
On September 22, 1980, Iraqi aircraft ineffectively attacked six Iranian air bases and four army installations. On September 23rd, the Saddam Hussein's army crossed the border into Iranian territory in a four-pronged, six-division ground attack along a 400 mile front, igniting a war that was to last nearly eight years.
By September 28, Iraqi forces had secured Ahvaz in southwest Iran. The war rapidly spilled over into the Persian Gulf. Iran declared its coastal waterways a war zone, established new shipping lanes and identification procedures for vessels transiting the Strait of Hormuz, and instituted a blockade of Iraqi ports on September 22.
Iraq responded on October 7 by declaring the area of the Gulf north of latitude 29 degrees 30 minutes a prohibited war zone. Maritime traffic along the Alvand Rud (aka "Shatt al Arab" waterway) came to a halt, trapping at least 83 merchant vessels in the zone of hostilities. On December 24, 1980, Iraqi aircraft struck the main Iranian oil export terminal at Kharg Island.
Prior to attacking Iran, Saddam Hussein had declared the Algiers Agreement of March 1975 to be null and void on September 17th. The Algiers Agreement had set the border between the two countries at the center of the Alvand Rud (aka "Shatt al-Arab") waterway. Regaining exclusive control over the waterway was one of Saddam's most important strategic objectives.
Saddam also sought to conquer and annex the entire oil-rich Iranian province of Khuzestan (which he called "Arabistan") and hoped in vain that an invasion would result in a rebellion against Tehran by the province’s Arab minority. Saddam also sought to reestablish Iraqi control over the vicinity of Qasr e-Shirin that the 1975 Algiers Accord had ceded to Iraq. If successful, Saddam would have made Iraq the foremost power in the Persian Gulf, and the Arab world.
Saddam timed the attack to take advantage of post-revolutionary anarchy of Iran, and the resultant poor condition of the Iranian military. He believed that the rapid success of a quick invasion would force Iran to cede territory and sue for peace. He did not realize that the Iranians would rally against the foreign invader and fight the war with such a ferocity and zeal that his own rule over Iraq would be imperiled, and force him to turn to the United States for support.
The Iranians, who viewed the war as as “Imposed War,” rallied to the cause of pushing out the invader, and sought to permanently remove the threat to their country by toppling Saddam from power. By the autumn of 1981, the ground war had turned against Iraq as Iranian offensives successfully expelled the Iraqi army out of many of the areas conquered in the 1980 invasion, forcing Saddam Hussein to call for a ceasefire. Iran, which considered Saddam's regime to be an on-going threat, dismissed the ceasefire demand and successfully recaptured the Iranian city Khuzestan. By July, the Iranian army had commenced offensive operations aimed at Basra. Iran would remained on the offensive throughout 1983, until the US effectively entered the war on the side of Saddam.
Iraq sought to prevent the transportation of Iranian oil exports by foreign shipping, thus cutting off Iran's economic power to continue fighting the war. On May 30, Iraqi forces attacked the Turkish-flagged tanker Atlas I, which become the first tanker damaged in the war. Iran responded by deploying surface to air missile-equipped ships to the area and by providing armed escort for tanker shipping. In 1984, Iraqi aircraft struck 58 merchant vessels resulting in six sinkings and 28 ships being declared total losses.
This was a fourfold increase in attacks from the previous year. By late April, Iraqi anti-ship capabilities were enhanced with the introduction of five Dassault Super Entendard attack aircraft, which were loaned to Iraq by France. Armed with French-built Exocet missile, the Super Entendard improved Iraqi capability to strike targets at greater ranges. On March 27, 1984, Iraq used the French-provided Super Etandards to sink the South Korean vessel Heyang Ilho. The French later armed the Iraqis with Mirage F-1 planes armed with Exocet missiles to be used against Iran too.
Iraq had declared the area north of 29 degrees 30 minutes north latitude a prohibited war zone on October 1980 and had also declared a maritime exclusion zone around the main Iranian oil export terminal at Kharg Island was declared in August 1982. In effect, Iraq treated this area as a free-fire zone and attacked any vessels found there, regardless of nationality. The dangers posed to Persian Gulf shipping by Iraq's long-range Mirage F-1 fighters armed with Exocet missile system were made clear to the United States with the May 17, 1987, attack on USS Stark (FFG-31).
Ironically, after the Iraqi attack on the US naval vessel, President Reagan gave a speech in which he accused Iran of threatening shipping in the Persian Gulf. This was part of the US 'tilt' towards Iraq which originated in 1981, when the US gave AWACs air radar planes to Saudi Arabia, with the knowledge that the intelligence gathered by the planes would be shared by the Saudis with the Iraqis. The Reagan administration also formally removed Saddam Hussein's regime from the US State Department's list of terrorist-supporting regimes, opening the way for the overt & direct transfer of significant quantities of arms components, "dual use" supplies, battle field intelligence as well as US financing and political aid to Saddam's regime. Donald Rumsfeld was sent to meet Saddam on December 20, 1983, to reassure him of US backing in the war against Iran despite Saddam's use of chemical weapons.
Iran, which had already cut off Iraq's access to oil export routes through the Persian Gulf, responded to the Iraqi attacks on merchant shipping by launching its own attacks on Saudi and Kuwaiti ships. Kuwaiti vessels were transporting Iraqi oil and the government of Kuwait, along with Saudi Arabia, was actively aiding Saddam in the war against Iran, thus legally making them co-belligerents in the war and legitimate targets.
Iraq expanded the "Tanker War" when, by 1986, Iranian army units successfully captured of the Faw peninsula, and in mid-March commenced operations to capture of Iraqi city of Basra. Iraq responded by conducting 62 attacks on merchant shipping in the Persian Gulf, resulting in four sinkings. Iran responded by conducting 41 successful attacks, damaging two Kuwaiti and six Saudi vessels.
Iraq's attacks on Iranian oil exports were only mostly ineffective, and Iran managed to continue shipping oil. In fact, by the end of 1986, Iran and Iraq had combined to strike 269 vessels resulting in 21 vessels being sunk. This represented less than one percent of all shipping transiting the Persian Gulf. Persian Gulf oil shipping had not been seriously threatened by the Tanker War, and the price of oil had remained remarkably constant during this period.
Kuwait was not a neutral in the Iran-Iraq war. Kuwait provided monetary grants to Saddam Hussein, opened its ports to Iraqi weapons shipments, and assisted in exporting Iraqi oil. However, the strategy of Kuwait and Iraq was successful in encouraging further overt American intervention in the war on behalf of Iraq. In December 1986 the Kuwaiti government approached the United States seeking protection for its tanker fleet from Iran. The United States agreed to the Kuwaiti request. In order to further pressure the Reagan administration to come to the aid of Kuwait, they let it be known that they had also approached the Soviet navy for similar protection. US Secretary of Defense Weinberger agreed to offer protection to Kuwait’s vessels on March 7th. The Reagan Administration then formally informed Congress of the reflaging decision on March 12, 1987.
The decision to provide protection for Kuwaiti-owned shipping resulted in several direct military confrontations with the Iran forces in the Persian Gulf. This was seen as an overt US intervention in the war on behalf of Iraq, despite Iraqi attacks on Iranian shipping, Saddam Hussein’s use of chemical weapons against Iran as well as the Iraqi Kurds, or the use of SCUD missiles against Iranian population centers.
In October 1987, the United States navy responded to an Iranian attack on two tankers owned by non-neutral Kuwait, by attacking and destroying Iranian oil platforms in what the International Court of Justice later ruled was an unjustified action.
The Iraqi air force continued attacking ships using Iran’s oil facilities, sinking four vessels and damaging five beyond repair, including the 564,000 DWT tanker Seawise Giant. Iran responded by attacking non-US flagged vessels. Rear Admiral Anthony Less, who had assumed command over the American naval forces in the Persian Gulf in February 1988, ordered US forces to engage in a more aggressive strategy intended to provoke a direct confrontation between the US navy and Iranian forces.
On March 1 1988, the US vessel Samuel B Roberts, under command of Captain Rinn, prevented Iranian naval vessels from exercising their right under international law to board and inspect an Iraqi merchant vessel. The Iranians responded by distributing mines, which on April 14th seriously damaged the Samuel B Roberts. The US countered by sinking the Iranian naval vessels Sahand, Sabalan and Joshan, with the assistance of Saudi AWACs planes.
On the same day of April 18th, with the assistance of US and Saudi battle field intelligence and extensive use of chemical weapons, the Saddam's forces managed to regain the Faw peninsula. The Reagan administration further increased its involvement by declaring on April 29th that it would protect non-Kuwaiti ships in the Persian Gulf as well, which in effect amounted to a further tilt in favor of Iraq since the new US policy allowed Saddam Hussein to continue Iraq’s attacks on tankers without fear of concomitant attacks on vessels supporting Iraq's allies. This onlyreinforced Iran's belief that the United States was now a belligerent in the Iran – Iraq War.
On July 4 1988, a helicopter launched by the USS Vincennes flew closer than the 4 mile limit set by their Rules of Engagement to Iranian speedboats, and drew warning fire from small arms. Captain William C Rogers III of the USS Vincennes used the incident to enter into Iranian territorial waters, ostensibly to respond to the "hostile acts" of the speed boats. At about the same time, a civilian Iranian Airbus was departing for a scheduled flight from Iran's Bandar Abbas to the UAE, unaware of the Vincennes' actions. Despite the fact that the Iranian aircraft was transmitting the correct transponder code and ascending, the USS Vincennes identified it as an descending F-14. Warnings sent to the Airbus were ignored, since according to the ICAO report of the incident, the warnings were directed to a non-existent F-14. A video tape recording of the events on the USS Vincennes clearly indicates that the ship's commander was well aware of crossing international boundary lines into Iranian territorial waters.
Captain William C. Rogers III, at 9:54 AM on July 4th, 1988, did with reckless and culpable indifference to human life, and whilst engaged in an act of aggression in violation of international law, ordered the shoot down of a civilian airliner which was still inside Iranian airspace, resulting in the death of 290 innocent civilians on board the regularly scheduled flight.
On July 17, 1988, Iranian President Khameini wrote the U.N. Secretary General, “We have decided to declare officially that the Islamic Republic of Iran – because of the importance it attaches to saving the lives of human beings and the establishment of justices and regional and international peace and security – accepts U.N. Resolution 598" thus ending the war.
A white-wash investigation by the US Navy commission headed by Adm Fogarty resulted in a report that largely attempted to shift blame for the incident onto the Iranians. The US Navy continued to insist that the USS Vincennes had acted in "self-defense" whilst in international waters for 4 more years, until (retired) Admiral Crowe admitted on Nightline, in response to a report in Newsweek, that the Vincennes had actually been inside Iranian waters -- a fact that he claimed was irrelevant anyway (which raises the question of why this "irrelevant" fact was so vehemently denied for so long.)
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